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God, Creation, and Providence in the Thought of Jacob Arminius: Sources and Directions of Scholastic Protestantism in the Era of Early Orth
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309 page paperback
- Sales Rank: #2289625 in Books
- Published on: 1991-01
- Ingredients: Example Ingredients
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.25" h x 6.25" w x .75" l,
- Binding: Paperback
- 309 pages
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The indicators behind Arminius' Thought
By Jacob
In this volume Richard Muller attempts to fill in a lacuna in the histories of Arminius and early Arminianism. Rather than focus on the debates of predestination, Muller notes that "[I]t must still be explained why Arminius' doctrine developed along certain technical lines and with attention to such questions as the internal logic of the divine will, the character of human beings in their original created state, the relationship of the divine will, in its providential concurrence, to the acts of human beings, and the nature of the divine foreknowledge of future contingents (Muller, 10). Similar to Muller's larger project (Post-Reformation Reformed Dogmatics), he attempts to set Arminius in a larger historical context, one that explores the connections between late medieval scholasticism and a burgeoning Reformed orthodoxy (or lack thereof).
Despite what many saw as his later theological errors, Arminius correctly placed his theological roots "in the presuppositional structure and foundational principles of [the Protestant scholastic] system, which is to say, in the definition of theology and in the doctrine of God, the so-called principium essendi of theological system" (Muller, 25).
The Method of Arminius' Theology
Arminius follows the general outline of both Catholic and Protestant scholastics. He is perhaps a bit more metaphysical in his doctrine of God. Muller notes, "Arminius appears far more willing than Protestants of previous generations to draw ratinal metaphysics into the service of theology: (59). One should be careful, however, in inferring that this is or is not the cause of his theological downfall, so to speak. Arminius's use of the scholastic method, particularly his emphasis on God as the principium essendi, stands in line with Reformed scholasticism. However, Arminius did phrase his method in such a way to deemphasize final causality, and hence to lessen a decretal theology (68).
After identifying the being of God as the ground of theology, Arminius makes the relationship between God and the world the "fundamental datum...rather than, as in the case of his Reformed contemporaries, a secondary issue predicated on the doctrine of God" (75). Perhaps this does condition Arminius' later theology; Muller notes, "the conditions established by God in the act of creation become determinative of all subsequent discussions concerning God and the world." Arminius has made the world a "subordinate principium essendi." (Cf. pp. 100-101; 171 ff.)
Conclusion:
Muller effectively rebuts the common charge that Arminius rejected the scholastic method of his Reformed colleagues and chose rather a purer biblicism that rejected supralapsarian predestination. Arminius followed the method of numerous divines and gave careful attention to complex theological problems (26). In light of current intra-Reformed controversies today over the nature of election and the covenant--and this is my point, not necessarily Muller's--we can see those who argue for a fresher, more biblical theology in contrast to stodgy Protestant Scholasticism, not only come to the same conclusions as later Arminianism, but they lack all of Arminius' own theological strengths; they get all of his errors and none of this benefits.
Arminius can be seen as a theologian who took some elements of Thomism and modifed them for his own use. As it stands that is not too remarkable. Most every early Reformed orthodox thinker did that. It is the specific modifications Arminius made that set him apart: the use of scientia media and creation as a temporal limit upon God's power.
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